Il Presidente del Consiglio ha annunciato una prossima missione nella Repubblica del Niger.
In un quadro regionale estremamente complesso, gli accordi bilaterali e i consessi internazionali nei quali il Governo Gentiloni ha recentemente consolidato le relazioni con i paesi del Nord Africa e del Sahel evidenziano la consapevolezza italiana del nesso tra sviluppo e sicurezza, che funge da matrice nelle attività di contrasto dei traffici illeciti e dei flussi migratori irregolari che transitano dal Sahel, e dal Niger in particolare, per raggiungere la Libia e quindi le coste italiane. È in questo scenario di fragilità, depressione dell’economia legale e di precarie condizioni di sicurezza che l’Italia non cessa di apportare il proprio contributo di pace e sicurezza, decidendo di condurre funzioni di sicurezza nel Paese.
The EU is struggling to cope with the so-called “migration crisis” that has emerged over the past few years. Designing the right policies to address immigration requires a deep understanding of its root causes. Why do Africans decide to leave their home countries? While the dream of a better life in Europe is likely part of the explanation, one also needs to examine the prevailing living conditions in the large and heterogeneous sub-Saharan region.
This Report investigates the actual role of political, economic, demographic and environmental drivers in current migration flows. It offers a comprehensive picture of major migration motives as well as of key trends. Attention is also devoted to the role of climate change in promoting migration and to intra-continental mobility (two-thirds of sub-Saharan migrant flows start and end within the region). Two country studies on Eritrea and Nigeria are also included to get a closer sense of local developments behind large-scale migration to Europe.
In Libya there are very few truly national actors. The vast majority are local players, some of whom are relevant at the national level while representing the interests of their region, or in most cases, their city. Many important actors, particularly outside of the largest cities, also have tribal allegiances.
Since the summer of 2014, political power has been split between two rival governments in Tripoli and in Tobruk, with the latter having been recognised by the international community before the creation of the Presidential Council – the body that acts collectively as head of state and supreme commander of the armed forces – in December 2015. Several types of actors scramble for power in today’s Libya: armed groups; “city-states”, particularly in western and southern Libya; and tribes, which are particularly relevant in central and eastern Libya.
La regione del Mediterraneo allargato permane in una condizione di forte entropia e di strutturale debolezza istituzionale. Interessi e agende contrastanti continuano ad alimentare tale dinamica, liberando costantemente nuove energie che alimentano i principali teatri di scontro e crisi regionale. Di fronte a tale scenario, si è ormai imposta la consapevolezza che lo stato e la sua disintegrazione o strutturale debolezza abbiano rappresentato il vero cuore pulsante che ha generato tale dinamica, amplificandone la portata e favorendo il libero agire sia di alcune potenze internazionali e regionali sia di cosiddetti attori non-statuali.
Crisi di legittimità, mancanza di sicurezza, incapacità di esercitare pienamente il monopolio della forza legittima, perdurante debolezza del sistema economico e, infine, polarizzazioni etnico-comunitarie e socio-politiche possono essere considerate non solo tra le principali sfide alla stabilità e alla tenuta di questo sistema regionale, ma anche tra i maggiori effetti prodotti dalla debolezza dello stato e delle sue istituzioni. In alcuni casi lo stato si è dimostrato addirittura inesistente o incapace di agire efficacemente al di fuori delle logiche dei regimi autoritari contro cui si erano mobilitate molte piazze nel 2011. Continua a leggere
Never was there a better time for NATO’s involvement in Libya than now. The Government of National Accord (GNA) is the only available option for a more stable future of the country. It has already shown it can deliver by defeating the Islamic State (IS) in Sirte, but without urgent support from the international community it may not be able to show more progress in providing security, reform and services to the Libyan people. Once it receives a request from the GNA, NATO can and should assist in SSR, border control and countering people-smuggling as there is no better placed actor to help Libya in this regard.
After the achievement of unification, one of the Italian political élite’s main aims was recognition of the country as a “great power” by the members of the international system. Such ambitions sharply contrasted with Italy’s political weakness, as well as with its economic and social backwardness. In spite of everything the Italian authorities began to dream of an African empire, on the model of the great European powers, which were involved in the “scramble for Africa”. Rome’s first target was Tunisia, not only as a consequence of its geographic proximity, but also of the presence of a numerous Italian colony. But Italy’s ambitions were frustrated by France, which was able to impose its protectorate on the North African territory. Later on Italy’s attention focused on the Horn of Africa, where the first colony of Eritrea was created, but in the 1890s Italy’s expansion towards Ethiopia was stopped due to the severe military defeat suffered at Adowa. With the new century the Giolitti governments focused their attention on Tripolitania and Cyrenaica, at that time parts of the Ottoman Empire.
L’attuale governo è la migliore soluzione per stabilizzare la Libia, gestire il flusso di rifugiati,respingere l’avanzata dell’ISIS.
L’Europa dovrebbe sostenerlo
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